BANDUNG, — Perda atau Peraturan Daerah Nomor 4 Tahun 2011 tentang Penataan dan Pembinaan PKL di Kota Bandung salah satunya mengatur biaya paksa sebesar Rp 1 juta bagi pembeli di zona merah, mulai diberlakukan 2 Februari 2014.

Begitu juga denda Rp 1 juta untuk PKL ada di Perda Nomor 11 Tahun 2005 tentang Ketertiban Kebersihan dan Keindahan, diberlakukan mulai 2 Februari 2014. Namun, sampai Senin (3/2/2014), belum ada yang terjaring dan terkena sanksi tersebut.

Padahal, masih ada pedagang yang berjualan mencuri-curi kesempatan di saat petugas lengah. Pedagang yang nekat berjualan, ketika ditanya alasannya, enggan berkomentar dan langsung menghindar.

Beberapa pedagang memilih menawarkan dagangan di depan pertokoan Kings, Jalan Kepatihan, dan berdiri di tangga sehingga ketika ada petugas, mereka beralasan tidak sedang berjualan di zona merah.

Ira, warga Antapani, mengaku takut membeli barang di PKL karena takut terkena sanksi Rp 1 juta. "Daripada didenda Rp 1 juta, tak akan membeli, tapi apakah aturan ini akan terus ditegakkan atau hanya hangat-hangat kotoran ayam," kata Ira setengah bertanya.

Menanggapi masih adanya transaksi di zona merah, Wali Kota Bandung Ridwan Kamil mengaku terus mencari cara terbaik untuk menegakkan Perda dengan keterbatasan personel yang ada.

"Jika masih ada yang bandel harus ditindak, kami tidak akan berhenti dan tidak akan menyerah untuk membersihkan zona merah dari PKL," ujar Ridwan.

Ridwan mengakui, masih ada kekurangan dalam penegakan aturan dan kekurangan yang terjadi di lapangan harus dibenahi.

Menurut Ridwan, penempatan meja penyidik pegawai negeri sipil (PPNS) untuk menindak pelanggar di Jalan Kepatihan yang semula di depan Yogya Kepatihan harus dipindahkan ke depan Kings karena banyak transaksi di sana.

"Saya semalam menyamar melihat langsung situasi di Jalan Kepatihan dan saya lihat pedagang saat ada petugas lari ke sebuah gang dan berkelit sebagai wilayah pribadi," ujarnya.

Modus PKL yang berlari ke gang akan ditindak sebab sudah jelas mereka berjualan di zona merah. Jika masuk gang, bukan berarti bebas hukum.

Perlu waktu
Ditemui secara terpisah, Ketua Komisi A DPRD Kota Bandung Haru Suandharu mengatakan, mengubah budaya dan kebiasaan warga agar tak membeli barang dari pedagang kaki lima (PKL) di zona merah memerlukan waktu.

Meski begitu, Pemkot Bandung harus tetap sabar dan konsisten menjalankan aturan tersebut hingga warga memahami dan penuh kesadaran tak melanggar aturan.

Menurut Haru, biaya paksa yang diterapkan bagi pembeli dari PKL di zona merah ini merupakan upaya positif dalam penataan PKL di Kota Bandung.

Penerapan Perda Nomor 4 Tahun 2011, khususnya Pasal 24 Ayat 2 tentang biaya paksa, ini pun bukan cara mencari pendapatan asli daerah, dan juga bukan menyengsarakan PKL. "Ini ada tranformasi budaya. Jika tidak tegas, khawatir PKL kembali menjamur," ujar Haru.


Editor : Maulana Lee

Malam-malam, Ridwan Kamil Menyamar Intai PKL

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.



Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.


Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

With Iran Talks, a Tangled Path to Ending Syria’s War

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